
Recently, when Vice President Cheney was asked by ABC News correspondent Martha Raddatz about polls showing that an overwhelming majority of U.S. citizens oppose the war in Iraq, he replied, "So?"
"So -- you don't care what the American people think?" Raddatz asked.
"No," Cheney replied, and explained, "I think you cannot be blown off course by the fluctuations in public opinion polls."
Later, White House spokeswoman Dana Perino, explaining Cheney's comments, was asked whether the public should have "input."
Her reply: "You had your input. The American people have input every four years, and that's the way our system is set up."
That's correct. Every four years the American people can choose between candidates whose views they reject, and then they should shut up.
Evidently failing to understand democratic theory, the public strongly disagrees.
"Eighty-one percent say when making 'an important decision' government leaders 'should pay attention to public opinion polls because this will help them get a sense of the public's views,"' reports the Program on International Policy Attitudes, in Washington.
And when asked "whether they think that 'elections are the only time when the views of the people should have influence, or that also between elections leaders should consider the views of the people as they make decisions,' an extraordinary 94 percent say that government leaders should pay attention to the views of the public between elections."
The same polls reveal that the public has few illusions about how their wishes are heeded: 80 percent "say that this country is run by a few big interests looking out for themselves," not "for the benefit of all the people."
With its unbounded disregard for public opinion, the Bush administration has been far to the radical nationalist and adventurist extreme of the policy spectrum, and was subjected to unprecedented mainstream criticism for that reason.
A Democratic candidate is likely to shift more toward the centrist norm. However, the spectrum is narrow. Looking at the records and statements of Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama, it is hard to see much reason to expect significant changes in policy in the Middle East.
IRAQ
It is important to bear in mind that neither Democratic candidate has expressed a principled objection to the invasion of Iraq. By that I mean the kind of objection that was universally expressed when the Russians invaded Afghanistan or when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait: condemnation on the grounds that aggression is a crime -- in fact the "supreme international crime," as the Nuremberg Tribunal determined. No one criticized those invasions merely as a "strategic blunder" or as involvement in "another country's civil war, a war (they) can't win" (Obama, Clinton, respectively, on the Iraq invasion).
The criticism of the Iraq war is on grounds of cost and failure; what are called "pragmatic reasons," a stance that is considered hardheaded, serious, moderate -- in the case of Western crimes.
The intentions of the Bush administration, and presumably McCain, were outlined in a Declaration of Principles released by the White House in November 2007, an agreement between Bush and the U.S.-backed Nuri al-Maliki government of Iraq.
The Declaration allows U.S. forces to remain indefinitely to "deter foreign aggression" (though the only threat of aggression in the region is posed by the United States and Israel, presumably not the intention) and for internal security, though not, of course, internal security for a government that would reject U.S. domination. The Declaration also commits Iraq to facilitate and encourage "the flow of foreign investments to Iraq, especially American investments" -- an unusually brazen expression of imperial will.
In brief, Iraq is to remain a client state, agreeing to allow permanent U.S. military installations (called "enduring" in the preferred Orwellism) and ensuring U.S. investors priority in accessing its huge oil resources -- a reasonably clear statement of goals of the invasion that were evident to anyone not blinded by official doctrine.
What are the alternatives of the Democrats? They were clarified in March 2007, when the House and Senate approved Democratic proposals setting deadlines for withdrawal. Gen. Kevin Ryan (retired), senior fellow at Harvard University's Belfer Center of International Affairs, analyzed the proposals for